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MR.
NETANYAHU: Good morning -- afternoon, really. This will be a
briefing in the full sense of the word. It will be brief. We
have a few points that we want to impart within the
guidelines that we -- I think we tried to establish
yesterday that we will talk about the general direction or
the -- some specific directions of the talks but not get
into the full details of our proposals, and secondly, also
within the objective of saving something to tell you
tomorrow, which I think is important.
We have today had a good day within the talks. We had
progress in all the delegations. In every one of the
delegations there is a discussion going about right now
about Israeli proposals submitted in each of the three
forums. In the Jordanian-Palestinian delegation there is an
Israeli paper that is being discussed. In the Syrian-Israeli
talks, there is an Israeli paper being discussed. In the
Lebanese-Israeli talks, there is an Israeli paper being
discussed.
We think that the talks have reached a stage where we can
reduce the gaps or the distances between the sides and move
towards some sort of negotiated result around these
proposals. This is not yet the culmination of negotiations,
but it is the beginning of the narrowing of differences over
concrete ideas and concrete areas. We are to that end
offering immediately to undertake to agree today or tomorrow
or certainly by Thursday by the time that we leave, to agree
on a second round of negotiations to be held from our point
of view as soon as possible. We have certain limitations
next week, as you know, because of our national holidays,
but as far as we're concerned, we're prepared to resume the
negotiations right afterwards or the closest possible date.
We think it's important to maintain the positive momentum
that we are experiencing within the delegations, and we hope
that the Arab delegations respond positively.
In the Palestinian-Jordanian -- I'm sorry, in the
Palestinian component of the Palestinian-Jordanian
delegation, we continued to discuss today in great detail --
in considerable detail the ideas for existence --
co-existence in the territories which we have proposed that
outlines all the areas that we are talking about for the
framework of self-government.
In the area of the municipal -- the pilot municipal
elections that we talked about yesterday, I think it's
important to stress first that we talked about it. We
received several questions on this subject. There began a
discussion today, a concrete discussion on this.
The important thing to stress is this: this is not a
substitute for broader elections. Broader elections involve
a very complicated range of negotiations. They involve
questions that tie together the whole area and all the areas
of the interim arrangement. They will require complex and, I
suspect, lengthy negotiations.
What we have offered is something that allows the
undertaking of elections -- other elections immediately. We
have suggested something that I think can bring about a
positive atmosphere in the territories. I mentioned the
response, the positive and, indeed, the enthusiastic
response of the Palestinian Arab population to the
thirty-odd elections in various organizations yesterday. And
I think it also will habituate -- these pilot municipal
elections will habituate everyone involved to the idea of
democracy.
This is not an obvious idea. This is not an obvious idea.
Somebody talked about election games. Elections are not a
game. Elections are serious business and a business that is
not familiar, unhappily, to the residents, the Arab
residents of the territories. We have suggested, therefore,
starting something immediately that can be seized upon that
can improve the atmosphere that can move the momentum
forward. And in no way does it contradict or nullify the
negotiations over broader election issues and election
questions.
I want to close by saying that in the Syrian delegation we
did cross a kind of threshold today, because for the first
time since the beginning of these talks, and I mean since
Madrid, the Syrians for the first time agreed to accept an
Israeli paper that outlines the areas of agreement between
Israel and Syria to date. I hope that this is a harbinger of
the future, but in any case it's something that did not
happen before and it's of some positive note, I think, that
it happened today.
MODERATOR: Thank you, Bibi. Ambassador Shoval.
AMB. SHOVAL: There was a very good meeting today between
Israel's Foreign Minister, David Levy, and the Secretary of
State. The meeting lasted for about an hour and a quarter, I
believe.
Although the talks today did not relate directly to the
bilateral talks about which Deputy Minister Netanyahu has
just reported, I think I could say that both ministers
expressed their satisfaction at the way the bilateral talks
are proceeding. We also raised some questions with regard to
the multilateral talks -- and as you know, there are still
some points of disagreement between Israel and the United
States on certain aspects of these talks -- as well as
reiterated its position in that respect.
I would say that no less important than questions relating
to the peace process were the points pertaining to US-Israel
bilateral relations, and some very positive points were
mentioned and agreed upon. For instance, it was agreed that
the United States and Israel will jointly examine the
possibility of cooperating on a technical plane with regard
to utilizing Israel's expertise in agriculture irrigation
and other fields in the former Central Asian republics -- or
the Central Asian republics of the former Soviet Union,
rather.
Another point which was raised was the question of how to
ascertain that Israel's qualitative edge shall be maintained
under every condition, under any condition, and it was
agreed in principle that a joint group will be set up by the
two countries, by the two governments, in order to examine
that question.
I would say, in summarizing, in summing up, that these talks
today proceeded in the spirit of the very close relationship
and friendship between our two countries. Thank you.
MODERATOR: Yes, please?
Q: Mr. Ambassador, how did Secretary Baker respond to
Israel's concerns about the diaspora Palestinians?
AMB. SHOVAL: Well, we made our position -- the Minister made
our position very clear in that regard. We reiterated that
Israel would not agree to participate in any working group
in this peace process which does not function in accordance
with the ground rules which had been set up originally for
this whole process. Certainly not in a question like that.
It is very clear to us and I think it's very -- should be
very clear to anybody who knows anything about it that the
insistence of the Palestinians to include outside
Palestinians or diaspora Palestinians in this process is in
order to get the right of return question back into the
whole process through the back door. Otherwise, there's very
little explanation, very little reason why they should
insist all of the sudden for so-called diaspora Palestinians
to be included. And Israel will not agree to that.
Now if refugees -- Palestinian refugees, the diaspora
Palestinians so-called, want to discuss their problems with
the Arab governments, well, it is basically really a problem
which relates to the Arab governments which have perpetuated
the refugee problem for so many decades and to the refugees.
If they want to discuss that, let them discuss it. But this
is not part of the present peace process. That's the way we
look at it.
Q: Mr. Netanyahu, if I could follow up on a question
yesterday that was raised in the Palestinian briefing today,
there was a comment made on Israel radio by an Israeli
spokesperson that if during these municipal elections, a
candidate was elected who ended up being a PLO supporter,
Israel would find that unacceptable. This goes to what I
asked you yesterday. As long as they're under military
occupation, what is there to protect the integrity of these
elections which is what the Palestinians seem to be
concerned about. How can we say we won't accept who you vote
in?
MR. NETANYAHU: Let's distinguish between two things. The PLO
is an outlaw organization in Israel and any member of the
PLO would not participate in the negotiations just as no
formal member of the PLO as you know, participates in these
talks as well. That is Israel's traditional position. It has
not changed.
On the other hand, we're aware of two things. First, that
people may have sympathies. We're not in the business of
censoring sympathies. Secondly, we understand also that the
PLO will try to insert itself into the process, and from our
point of view the test of not only the pilot municipal
elections that we're talking about, but any other elections
that will be undertaken would be the emergence of a
leadership that breaks with the PLO. The PLO is committed to
the destruction of Israel, not to peace with Israel. It may
say differently in other forms but it is -- acts and says
precisely this line and follows it in everything that it
does. So from Israel's point of view, it is simply not an
acceptable negotiating partner.
If on the other hand, there is a leadership that emerges
that breaks with the PLO line, the destructionist line,
nothing else, Israel refused to negotiate with the PLO, not
merely because it's a terrorist organization, but because
it's a unique kind of terrorist organization. It is a
terrorist organization that is committed to wiping out a
sovereign state.
And I don't think that other governments that opposed each
one for their own reasons the negotiations with their
"terrorists," in quotes, would have any greater agreement to
negotiate, say, with the IRA, which there is no willingness
to negotiate, or with the Red Army faction, which the
Germany government does not negotiate with, and so on, if
those terrorist groups also espouse, in addition to terror,
the idea of destroying Germany or Britain or whatever. So
Israel is not unique in that sense to any other country.
What is unique is the terror groups that are attacking
Israel. This terrorist organization seeks a goal that is
even more incompatible and more unacceptable to any
reasonable government. Therefore, what we're seeking is the
emergence of a different leadership that will break with
this terrorist and destructionist line.
Now, you ask how can we have negotiations guaranteed? We
just had them. We just had free elections in the
territories. No one -- by the way, no Palestinian Arab today
that I know of -- there may have been individual sayings,
but I'm not aware of anybody contesting the fairness of the
elections. No one has challenged the outcomes of the
elections that we've just held. And I think that this is the
best indication of the kind of elections that we have in
mind.
MODERATOR: Okay, Hamedi (sp) and then Tom.
Q: Ambassador Shoval, we understood that Secretary Levy has
got a different point of view, which does not coincide with
the Prime Minister concerning the participation of the
Palestinians, that the Palestinians could be represented in
Ottawa as observers, not as full members. And the question
to Mr. Netanyahu concerns -- yes?
MR. NETANYAHU: Let me just put this to rest. This is just
not accurate. There's absolutely no divergence of opinion
between any part of the Israeli government about that
question. No, it's not correct.
Q: Mr. Netanyahu, we understood from the Jordanians that
there is a kind of a joint agenda, and he mentioned that you
have discussed water and other projects. Can you give us an
idea about what is this kind of joint agenda you have agreed
on?
MR. NETANYAHU: There are a number of areas that relate to
the bilateral relations between Israel and Jordan that would
be part of the normalization of the relationship between any
two states and especially any two bordering states. You
mentioned and correctly such questions as water. I added
yesterday that we brought in a deputy minister -- a deputy
director general of the ministry of the environment, because
the environment questions loom large in the relations
between Israel and Jordan. We have a common port, as you
know, in Aqaba and so on. And there is a problem of
pollution there. We have anything from mosquitoes who don't
recognize borders to any -- many, many other areas that
would be discussed in the course of establishing normal
relations between our two countries.
We have decided that a useful way to approach the subject of
politically normalizing these relations is to begin
addressing each one of these building blocks of common good
neighborly relations. And that's what we're doing. Now, I
think in the -- what we sought to do is not only begin to
probe these subjects, but to develop an agenda, an agreed
upon agenda. That is, we initially proposed, as you know, a
set of points which follow very much our ideas of what a
peace treaty should look like. What we're seeking to do
today, and will continue to do this afternoon, is to try to
establish a joint list, an agreed upon list -- agreed upon,
that is, by Israel and Jordan -- on the common points to be
negotiated in this round of talks and the next round of
talks.
MODERATOR: Tom, please?
Q: A couple of questions. One is on the elections. You said
the elections won't be a substitute for broader elections. I
understand what municipal elections are and I understand
what broader elections are, but I don't understand what
"pilot municipal elections" are. So I wonder first if you
could explain what are you talking about? Is it just
municipal elections from one city to the next?
And the second point relates to the Syrian gesture yesterday
of apparently lifting the travel ban on Jews. Obviously this
is something Israel had asked for a long time, something
Israel considered to be a right. But nevertheless, in the
context of this relationship in these negotiations it is
something of a confidence-building gesture. Do you
anticipate Israel would make a counter or reciprocal gesture
toward Syria?
MR. NETANYAHU: On the first question you asked on the
question of the pilot municipal elections, we said yesterday
that we wouldn't discuss our ideas. We have them, by the
way, we have ideas on how to proceed.
When I say "pilot" or when we use the word "pilot" that
necessarily implies something that begins and that will be
followed by something else. Now, we could circumscribe it
geographically, or we can circumscribe it functionally. I'm
not saying how we view it because this is something that we
hope to negotiate -- and I think we have, in a way, begun to
negotiate with the first probing questions today from the
other side -- in the negotiating room. But the operative
word, I think, is "initial."
Q: It will begin with a test case? MR. NETANYAHU: It will
begin with an initial stage that will be followed by
something else, expanded into something else. And I'm
deliberately holding back our own views, which we have, I
assure you, because we think that that kind of discussion
really ought to take place in the negotiations themselves
and not here.
Secondly, you asked about the Syrian policy vis-a-vis the
Syrian Jews. I said yesterday that we welcomed this change.
I want to say very clearly that we do not think that this
should be linked in any way to the peace negotiations. First
of all, if we linked it, we would be establishing a
principle of hostage-taking.
Q: But you raised it in your negotiations with Syria.
MR. NETANYAHU: We didn't raise it as an issue for
commensurate response: If you release these prisoners -- or
these hostages that shouldn't be there in the first place,
we will do this or that. We said: Release them because you
should release them a long time ago. But since you asked --
and by the way, let me say that when we raised this issue
yesterday for information -- because we received news about
this from public sources. We did not get any kind of
communication, direct or indirect, from the Syrians. We
heard Ms. Tutwiler say exactly what she said, like you,
shortly -- or I think during, actually, the negotiations we
got the information. Well, our delegates turned to the
Syrians and they asked, "Can you tell us anything about
this?" And they said, "Well, we really have nothing to say
on this. It's not related to the negotiations." So it's not
only we who have, as a principle, from our point of view,
unlinked or refused to link these issues with the
negotiations, it appears to be Syria's position as well.
Now, since you asked, though, about gestures,
confidence-building gestures from the Israeli side toward
the Syrians, let me point out that we've recently made two
of them. We don't perhaps publicize them in the same way,
but you should be aware first that a Syrian ship was found
in trouble along the coast of Israel, was taken into the
Israel port and was fixed up, patched up, treated. There was
a very complicated issue of how Syria would pay, or this
Syrian company would pay the Israeli --
AMB. SHOVAL: They solved the issue. They didn't pay.
(Laughter.)
MR. NETANYAHU: He took the --
Q: But the position of the -- MR. NETANYAHU: Ambassador
Shoval took the punch line away. (Laughter.) It was very
complicated. We are now in peace negotiations, but Israel,
in fact -- talk about gestures, good will gestures - -
(laughs) -- we spent thousands and thousands of dollars
fixing up this ship in distress, which good neighbors do
with one another -- (laughs) -- and then said, well, could
we get paid? And they said, well, we're not paying Israel.
(Laughter.) We're not at peace with Israel. This is a
country we don't recognize. So we ended up footing the bill.
Maybe in the course of the peace negotiations we'd have a
reciprocal gesture and get paid for that.
In addition, we had some Syrian soldiers stranded in the
Hermon, on the Syrian side of Mt. Hermon, which gets to be
very snowy, I mean, with several meters of snow and they are
really locked out from any reinforcements.
There is only a possibility of reinforcing or supplying them
from the air. But for Syria to access that point they go
through very sensitive military airspace. And normally we
would be very concerned with such flights of helicopters or
any other aircraft. The Syrians approached us, and we
enabled such -- shall I say succor? -- to be delivered to
these Syrian solders in distress.
So here you have within the space of days two Israeli
gestures, one towards a civilian ship, commercial ship, the
others toward soldiers, Syrian soldiers. And I think that
says about enough about our willingness and the spirit that
we are bringing to these talks.
AMB. SHOVAL: By the way --
MR. NETANYAHU: All of us.
AMB. SHOVAL: -- we expressed our appreciation today to the
Secretary for the American efforts with regard to Syrian
Jewry, and I think this note of thanks was certainly due.
MODERATOR: (Calls on questioner.)
Q: Mr. Netanyahu, I'd like to ask you about the benefit of
local elections, of municipal elections, for Israel. And you
counted yesterday, and then today, what would be the
benefits for the Palestinians, you know, nurturing
democratic values among them, and so on. But what good would
it do for Israel? Why -- would the be interlocutors, as far
as Israel is concerned? What's the benefit?
MR. NETANYAHU: The benefit is something that most of the
world -- most of the world with the exception of the Middle
East -- has come to recognize, that -- I'm not going to
repeat Churchill's clichZ, that -- (laughs) -- democracy is
- - is it. It may be the worst, but it's the best available.
And it definitely makes for better representatives, better
-- it makes for better decision- making, and I must tell you
it makes ultimately for better negotiations. So the benefit
is for everyone, for Arabs, for Jews, I think the benefit is
for an ethos that emerges -- that will emerge perhaps in a
corner of the Middle East, in a corner of the Arab world,
that I hope would spread elsewhere.
You know that same question you can ask to the American
government, why there is this -- taking the full court press
in the face of what is happening in Peru or the positions
taken by the United States and other countries in the face
of what happened in China. Democracy is its own value. We
could discuss at great length if you wish -- (laughs) --
outside this room, the full implications of the benefits of
democracy. I, for one, believe there is a direct
relationship ultimately between democracy and the
predilection to go to war or the lack of predilection to go
to war.
So I see so many benefits that I -- I beg your forgiveness
for not going into them. It would take too long. I think
they're obvious.
MODERATOR: We have about five minutes. Yes, please?
Q: Minister Netanyahu, are the pilot municipal elections a
necessary prerequisite to negotiations on broader elections?
And the second question: When you talk about resuming
negotiations the week after next, are you talking about a
sixth round in Rome or a continuation of this round back in
Washington?
MR. NETANYAHU: I'm sorry. Could you repeat the first
question. Oh, you asked about the pilot?
Q: Are the pilot elections a necessary --
MR. NETANYAHU: I see. I see.
Q: -- prerequisite to negotiating on broader elections?
MR. NETANYAHU: No. We haven't placed it as a condition of
any kind. Realistically, though, and I think we have some
experience with this, the broader issue of elections is
going to require considerable negotiations, and it probably
would be -- I think it probably would benefit from the
establishment of these municipal elections. I think it would
actually facilitate the negotiations. But we haven't linked
the two. We haven't said, well, unless you accept such and
such, we won't discuss. We suggest, in fact, discussing
continuously and in parallel other subjects, as well.
What we're suggesting is not merely negotiating; we're
suggesting implementing these negotiations while -- these
pilot municipal elections as we are engaged in negotiations.
We haven't placed any limitation on the implementation. I
think that's important to stress. Not only did we not link
broader negotiations to municipal elections, but we didn't
link municipal elections to broader elections in the other
way. So as far as we're concerned, we can continue the
negotiations on the other issues while implementing already
this question.
The second question you asked concerned the venue of the
next round. I think that's been agreed upon, and we'll be
happy to see all of you there in Rome. It's certainly closer
to home.
MODERATOR: Barry, please?
Q: At the last round, we understood that the Palestinians
weren't willing to talk about anything that didn't lead to a
state, even though at the last day or two they listened to
some of your experts a little bit, but essentially there was
no negotiations. They wanted only arrangements for
statehood. Now, can you -- it's almost impossible to follow
their public line. They're hot one day, cold the other.
Could you tell us what their basic approach has been in
these last two days? Are they negotiating with you on
autonomy, are they simply listening and not throwing it back
at you, or are they making the same demands that whatever
happens has to produce a state?
MR. NETANYAHU: Let me draw a distinction between what
happens inside and what happens on the outside. What happens
on the inside is actually quite encouraging, in our point of
view. It is encouraging because we're discussing concrete,
substantive proposals. These are not slogans. These are
spheres of life and areas of potential agreement that we
have put on the table. They have not been rejected, and
we're going one by one and negotiating them.
On the area of pilot municipal elections, there was a
willingness to study the proposal yesterday. I thought that
was important because it wasn't described I think as it was
last -- the whole areas -- or the list of areas was
discussed in the last round as "an insult to intelligence."
And, of course, we're discussing this today without any
insult. And, secondly, the fact that today we already
received some questions on this, I think indicates a
positive direction. That's on the inside.
On the outside, it's something else. I'm afraid you'll have
to form your own impressions. I think maybe there is a
disappointment in some quarters that this is actually
proceeding in a businesslike and concrete way. I think that
maybe there is a -- there's been a pampering, I suppose, in
certain quarters that whatever is said, whatever statement
is made is taken immediately at face value, whatever the
exaggeration, whatever the charge, immediately there is a --
you know, the press lines up with the proverbial Israel
bashing. Well, it never happens quite that way even in the
worst of times, and this is not the worst of times. This is
actually one of the good times. So, there may be a
disappointment there that it's not -- the field of press
gravity doesn't quite line up according to the Palestinian
magnet.
But that's unimportant. We have been trying to downplay the
public battles. We're not -- we hear all these incantations
of doubt and negativism. We're just not interested now.
We're interested in making concrete progress, and since
we're making it in the room, I think that's important.
MODERATOR: The last question goes to Israel Radio, Mr. Ben
Ami.
Q: Ambassador Shoval, just by what you -- how you quoted
Minister Levy today regarding the multilateral and the
Israeli policy, Ms. Tutwiler said today that the
administration is still waiting for the Israeli official
response for the invitation that five countries issued to
all parties. Is the -- Mr. Levy's discussion with Secretary
Baker today is the official Israeli response or not?
AMB. SHOVAL: No, there is no contradiction between the two
things. You are right. We have not yet given our official
response. Maybe some of the others haven't given them
either. I don't know. What the Foreign Minister restated
today was Israel's very clear position opposing any
possibility of outside Palestinians participating in any
part of these negotiations because this goes counter to the
ground rules which were agreed upon. And once you change
ground rules, I mean there's no end to it. And, of course,
we know why the Palestinians want to change them, and we are
not going to go along with that.
MODERATOR: Okay. Thank you very much. |